国产热热热精品,亚洲视频久久】日韩,三级婷婷在线久久,99人妻精品视频,精品九热人人肉肉在线,AV东京热一区二区,91po在线视频观看,久久激情宗合,青青草黄色手机视频

Op-Ed Contributors

This is America's new Asia policy

By Wang Fan (China Daily)
Updated: 2010-06-04 07:54
Large Medium Small

In its grand strategy, the US is hesitating to choose between "constant expansion" and "moderate pull-back". There is likely to be some changes in its Asia strategy, though. In his book The Peace of Illusions: American Grand Strategy from 1940 to the Present, American scholar Christopher Layne has introduced a new concept to describe the US strategy: "off-shore balance grand strategy". It is different from the "offshore balancer" strategy, which John J. Mearsheimer talked about in The Tragedy of Grand Power Politics.

Layne writes the "off-shore balance grand strategy" has four key objectives: separating America from possible wars between Euro-Asia powers, avoiding US involvement in unnecessary wars for allied interests or so-called credits, protecting American soil from terrorist attacks, and raising America's power status in the international system while keeping open options for strategic actions.

Being multi-polar in essence, this policy is different from hegemony; it is made to tolerate the rise of emerging powers. It shifts the responsibility of defending Euro-Asian powers on themselves. The US only needs to help them gain more power for self-defense. Layne says the "off-shore balance grand strategy" should replace the existing US strategy because, for one, it would be more efficient and effective in defending American interests.

First, even if the US opts for Layne's "off-shore balance grand strategy" it would not make any strategic defensive gesture in Asia. On the contrary, the US might even involve more countries in its Asian affairs to leave an impression of expansionism. A perfect example is US Cold War-mentality think tanks' proposal that Washington take more interest in the countries that the Mekong River flows through with the primary aim of preventing a regional power from gaining dominance.

Second, the US would strengthen its network of allies, as it did in the 1970s. The only difference would be that it might opt for more multilateral cooperation.

Third, the US will not promote any form of Asian integration. The US support to European integration was born mainly out of the need to counterbalance the erstwhile Soviet Union. In fact, divide et impera has always been America's favourite policy. That's the reason why Germany was not reunified before the disintegration of the Soviet Union became imminent.

In Asia, the US cannot think of any integration without China. So, it has become a member of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation. But it is there just a member, not to facilitate any cooperation.

Last but not the least, the US may want tensions and crises in Asia to stay within control, but without getting too involved in any affair. It would favor balance in the traditional sense. And the best way to keep tensions within control and maintain balance is to play one power against another.

For the same reason, the US hopes to keep the rise of any country in the region under control. That means there is a balancing point between tension and rise of a country.

In this epoch, when Cold War is history, a sub-Cold-War in Asia would help the US the most to maintain what it calls balance and preserve its influence. That's also the key to US hegemony, or Western hegemony as a whole.

The author is a professor at the Institute of International Relations of China Foreign Affairs University.

(China Daily 06/04/2010 page9)

   Previous Page 1 2 Next Page  

介休市| 乌拉特后旗| 韶关市| 鄱阳县| 安徽省| 游戏| 万盛区| 徐州市| 竹北市| 汕尾市| 广平县| 武隆县| 克山县| 宜宾市| 锡林郭勒盟| 冕宁县| 左权县| 菏泽市| 宜良县| 兴隆县| 泗阳县| 黑水县| 海原县| 河曲县| 上杭县| 衡南县| 泸西县| 花莲市| 太谷县| 新巴尔虎右旗| 岑巩县| 西吉县| 佛学| 西丰县| 黑山县| 台州市| 金华市| 长宁区| 乌兰察布市| 铜陵市| 杨浦区|